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FOOT
NOTES : CHAPTER 5
1 T. al-Ghayba,
230-1, 233, 236; Kamal, 432.
2 T. al-Ghayba, 235; Kamal, 510.
3 T. al-Fihrist, 50-1; T. Tahdhib al-Ahkam, Iv, 134; t. al-Ghayba,
100-1. Most of the narrations attributed to Ibn Hilal come on the authority
of Sa'd al-Ash'ari al-Qummi, which reveals that Ibn Hilal had a high position
among the Imamites before he was excommunicated by the safirs (Ikhitiyar,
18, 141, 503, 603). For the narration concerning the twelfth Imam being
al-Qa'im related on the authority of Ibn Hila, see Kamal, 252-3, 350,
649; al-Kafi, I, 342; N. al-Ghayba, 175, 100-1, 149, 283.
4 Ikhtiyar, 535.
5 al-Sadr, op. cit., I, 501.
6 al-Najshi, 65.
7 al-Saduq, Mashyakhat al-Faqih, IV, 128. Al-Nash literally means
to declare war on someone, or to show open hostility to someone. In the
shi'ite works the term al-nasb has been used to define a doctrine of a
group of people called al-Nawasib (pl. of nasib). The Nawasib were mainly
distinguished by their hostility towards the People of the House (Ahl
al-Bayt). Al Kulayni considers Ahmad, the son of the 'Abasid vizier 'Ubayd
Allah b. Khaqan, as one of them, and adds that al-Qa'im would order them
to pay the jizya (al-Kafi, I, 503, 508, VIII, 227, 101, 160-1). The Khawarij
were amongst the Nawasib and al-Tusi considered them as infidels (kuffar)
and forbade the Shi'ites from having any social relations with them. Furthermore,
he permitted the Imamites to confiscate their money; al-Tusi, Tahdhib
al-Ahkam, IV, 22; al-Istibsar, III, 183-4.
8 T. al-Fihrist, 50-1; al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijaj, II, 289.
9 T. al-Ghayba, 260.
10 Kamal, 489; al-Sadr, op. cit., I, 500.
11 Ikhtiyar, 536-7.
12 Ibid., 537.
13 According to the Imamites, Islam is based on five pillars: prayer,
zakat, fasting, pilgrimage, and the wilaya, that is, the recognition of
the Imam, to which they gave priority over the pillars. Therefore if a
person spends all his life performing the other four Islamic pillars but
does not recognize the Imam, his worship is invalid. For a full account
of this point, see al-Kafi, I, 181-4, 374-5, II, 18-19.
14 T. al-Ghayba, 260.
15 Al-Dihqan is 'Urwa b. Yahya al-Nakhkhas al-Baghdadi; he is said
to have been the wakil and treasurer of the eleventh Imam, al-'Askari.
But he was deposed and cursed because he seized the money of the organization
and burnt the documents of the Imam, which were kept in the treasury;
Ikhtiyar, 573, 579.
16 Ikhtiyar, 536-7.
17 T. al-Ghayba, 260.
18 al-Najashi, 254-5; Ikhtiyar, 564, 566.
19 al-Barqi, al-Rijal, 57, 61.
20 Al-Kashshi mentions a document attributed to al-'Askari containing
instructions to his agents in Iraq and Khurasan, in which he ordered Ishaq
al-Nisaburi to contact al-bilali in Baghdad; Ikhtiyar, 579.
21 al-Kafi, , 328; Kamal, 499.
22 T. al-Ghayda, 260.
23 T. al-Ghayda, 261.
24 Ibid, 261.
25 Ikhtiyar, 517-21, 528-9.
26 T. al-Ghayba, 259, Javad Ali and Rajkowshi think that Ibn Nusayr
was an eminent citizen of Basra. Moreover the latter thinks that he was
of Persian origin. However, both base their accounts on al-Khatib al-Baghdadi
(al-Khatib, III, 163-4) and al-Kashshi, whereas the latter refers to two
people bearing the same name. The first one was his teacher in Basra and
the second was the above extremist. Al-Kashshi attributed the latter lineage
to the Arab tribe Fahr and criticized him bitterly; Ikhtiyar, 5, 278,
503, 520.
27 Ikhtiyar, 520-1.
28 T. al-Ghayba, 259.
29 N. Furat, 78, Al-Sabi reports that Banu Furat used to inhabit
a village called Babili Sasfrin in the district of upper Nahrawan, and
that there were more than 300 people in this village (Hilal b. Muhsin
al-Sabi, al-Wizara (Cairo, 1958), 11-12). They named themselves after
their great-grandfather, Furat b. Ahnaf al-'Abdi, who had lived and died
in Kufa around 120/737 and was a close associate of al-Sajjad and al-Baqir
(al-Barqi, al-Rijal, 8-9, 16). Another member of this family was 'Umar
b. Furat, who was executed on the orders of Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi in 203/808,
as a punishment inflicted on him for his propaganda in favour of the vizier
Ibn Sahl. See for details, D. Sourdel, "Ibn al-Furat", E.I.2----; Rajkowshi,
op. cit., 769-70.
30 al-Khatib, III, 163-4; al-Sabi, op. cit., 30-31.
31 Rajkowski, op. cit., 772-3, quoted from al-Khasibi, Diwan, f,
49b, 4, 5a.
32 al-Khatib, VI, 380; Salih Ahmad al-'Ali, "al-Mada'in fi al-Masadir
al-'Arabiyya", Sumar, XIII (1967), 50.
33 Javad Ali, op. cit., in Der Islam, XXV (1939), 206.
34 T. al-Ghayba, 233-4.
35 al-Kafi, I, 329, 331.
36 Kamal, 435.
37 Ibid., 440.
38 Ibid., 442.
39 al-Kafi, I, 330.
40 Abu al-Fida, op. cit., II, 69; al-Kamil, VIII, 80; T. al-Ghayba,
192.
41 Ikhtiyar, 532.
42 al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijaj, II, 297-301.
43 T. al-Ghayba, 240.
44 Concerning the activities of al-Qattan, see al-Kafi, 520; T.
al-Ghayba 190-1; Bihar, LI, 302, 217; Kamal, 409-1; al-Irshad, 398-9.
For Hajiz's relations with the safir, see Bihar, LI, 294, and for Ahmad
b. Ishaq's contacts with the safir and other agents, see Dala'il, 272;
Ikhtiyar, 556-7.
45 Kamal, 442.
46 Ikhtiyar, 535.
47 al-Irshad, 399.
48 Dala'il, 272. According to al-Saduq, Ahmad b. Ishaq died in
Hilwan before 260/874, but this cannot be accepted because there are several
indications that he outlived al-'Askari (d. 260/874). Moreover al-Saduq
relates his report on the authority of Muhammad b. Bahr, who was well-known
for fabricating narrations; Kamal, 454, 466-7; al-Najashi, 298.
49 Kamal, 488.
50 al-Kafi, I, 525.
51 T. al-Ghayba, 191-2.
52 T. al-Ghayba, 242.
53 Ibid., 240-1.
54 According to Ibn Rustam, after the death of al-'Askari in 260/874,
al-Baqtani claimed that he was the agent of the twelfth Imam (Bihar, LI,
300). But later he appears to have abandoned his claim and served both
the second and third safirs (T. al-Ghayba, 242), Al-Wajna' was amongst
those who had seen the Imam (Kamal, 443). He was resident is Baghdad during
the time of the second safir (al-Kafi, I, 521). However it appears that
he had some relations with the political bases of the Imamites in Mosul
in 307/919; T. al-Ghayba, 205.
55 T. al-Ghayba, 198. 56 T. al-Ghayba, 193, 195.
57 al-Najashi, 198; Buzurg, Nawabigh al-Ruwat, 186.
58 N. al-Ghayba. 179; Mian II, 69-70, 399; Buzurg, Nawabigh al-Ruwat,
53-55, 161-3; al-Najashi, 132-3.
59 al-Khirsan, sharh Mashyakhat Tahdhib al-Ahkam (Najaf, 1963),
13-16.
60 t. al-Ghayba, 235.
61 Kamal, 485.
62 Kamal, 504.
63 T. al-Ghayba, 205-6.
64 al-Irbili, Kashf al-Ghumma. IV, 409; Bihar, LI, 56-7; al-Irbili
does not mention the year in which Ibn Hamdan controlled Qumm; however,
Ibn al-Athir reports that he was installed in this post in 296/908. Consequently
the contact between the second safir and Ibn Hamdan must have occurred
after that date; al-Kamil, VIII, 14, 32.
65 Kamal, 493, 495.
66 Ibid, 488, 486; Bihar, LI, 294, 325.
67 T. al-Ghayba, 202.
68 Ibid., 192-3.
69 Al-'Abbasiyya was a fief in Baghdad granted to al-'Abbas, the
brother of the caliph al-Mansur, According to al-Khatib al-Baghdadi there
were two fiefs of the same name, one on the eastern side of Baghdad and
the other on the western side. Because the house of Abu Ja'far was on
the western side, the meeting may have occurred there; al-Khatib, I, 79,
95.
70 Kamal, 498.
71 T. al-Ghayba, 192.
72 Kamal, 499.
73 Al-'Abbas b. Ma'ruf was a companion to the tenth Imam, al-Hadi.
He devoted his time during the short occultation to relating Imamite narrations;
therefore, perhaps, Abu Ja'far originally ordered al-Aswad to hand the
money over to Ibn Ma'ruf because al-Aswad, at that time, was not aware
of the necessity of the underground organization. For a full account of
the career of Ibn Ma'ruf as a narrator of Imamite narrations which criticise
those Shi'ites who considered Ibn al-Hanafiyya or the seventh Imam Musa
l-Kazim, as the hidden Imam, see Ikhtiyar, 315, 461; al-Najashi, 215-6,
151; al-Tusi, Tahdhib al-Ahkam, IV, 122, 137, V, 292, VI, 122, 194
74 Kamal, 502.
75 T. al-Ghayba, 241.
76 Tabari, III, 1857, 2024, 2109; for a full account of the Zanj
revolt see the two important articles by Naji, "Tarikh al-Tabari Masdaran
'an Thawrat al-Zanj", al-Mawrid, VII, No. 2 (1978), 37-92; and "al-Tanzim
al-'Askari li-jaysh Sahib al-Zanj", al-Mu'arikh al-'Arabi, VII (1978),
116-157; Faysal al-Samir, Thawrat al-Zanj (Basra, 1952).
77 al-Irbili, Kashf al-Ghaumma, IV, 428; Bihar, L, 293.
78 Tabari, III, 2099.
79 Al-Tusi reports that the tomb of al-Husayn collapsed in 273/886
probably due to an act of sabotage, especially if one bears in mind the
fact that an attack upon the grave of 'Ali was foiled about the same time;
al-Tusi, Tahdhib al-Ahkam, VI, 111-12.
80 For the distinction between the Mubarakyya and the Qaramita,
see Q. Maqalat, 80-6; N. Firaq, 67-74; al-Fusul al-Mukhtara, 247-8.
81 T. al-Ghayba, 39, 130. The Isma'ili writer Ibn Hawshab narrates
in al-Kashf several Quur'anic verses about the Last Day, which for him
means the rise of al-Qa'im al-Mahdi (al-Kashf, 5-6, 10, 11, 14, 24; Abu
Ya'qab al-Sijistani, Kashf al-Mahjub (Teheran, 1949, 81-3). Moreover,
Ibn Hawshab mentions a narration attributed to al-Sadiq, stating that
al-Qa'im will rise in Mecca. Thus he agrees with the Imamite reports regarding
this point; al-Kashf, 32-5.
82 Ibn hawshab, Asrar al-Nutaqa', 51-3, 90-2. For the details of
the Isma'ili use of these traditions in their activiti es with the tribe
of Kitama in 280/893, see al-Kamil, VIII, 24-5, 26.
83 Ibn Hawshab, al-Kashf, 62; al-Kamil, VIII, 22-3; Ivanow supports
this point in suggesting that "the terrible slaughter of the pilgrims
in the Ka'ba itself, and the seizure of the sacred relics were not acts
of wanton cruelty, it were connected with some expectations of a religious
character, such as the return of Muhammad b. Isma'il in full glory, etc.,
which most probably was expected to be due about that time." Ivanow, "Ismailis
and Qarmatians", Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,
XVI (1940), 82; also see W. Madelung, "Karmati", E.I.2.
84 N. Firaq, 76; al-Tabari confirms this number; Tabari, II, 2218.
85 Q. Maqalat, 86.
86 Tabari, III, 2124.
87 al-Kamil, VII, 340-1, VIII, 21-2. There is evidence which encourages
the present writer to link the activities of the Qaramita with those of
the Isma'ilis. Ibn Hawqal mentions that after the establishment of the
Qaramita state in Bahrain they used to send the khums to the sahib al-Zaman,
that is the Isma'ili leader in Egypt; Ibn Hawqal, op. cit., 21-3.
88 Tabari, III, 2218; Ibn Hawqal, op. cit., 29.
89 Tabari, III, 1757. Shaban put forward the theory that the Isma'ili
movement in Iraq and Bahrain was called the Qaramita after a specific
race called al-Qaramatiyyun. They came originally from Libya and they
could hardly speak Arabic. They took part in the Zanj revolt and joined
the Isma'ili movement when the revolt collapsed. (Shaban, op. cit, 130).
90 Tabari, III, 2202.
91 Maqalat, 85.
92 Kamal, 483, 485.
93 al-Kamil, VIII, 311, 376.
94 Tabari, III, 2127-8; al-Kamil, VII, 311.
95 al-Ash'ari, Maqalat al-Islamiyin, 58; Ibn Shadhan, al-Idah.
475.
96 Later in 300/912 Muhsin was arrested in the suburb of Damascus.
Is head was sent to Baghdad, where it was impaled on a bridge in the eastern
side of the city, an area which was inhabited by a large Shi'ite population;
Maqatil, 449; al-Kubaysi, op. cit., 446.
97 'Ali b. 'Isa, who was known for his anti-'Alid attitude, was
called a Qarmati by his personal enemies; as a result he was dismissed
from office ('Arib, op. cit., 59). Al-Qasim al-Khaqani was discharged
in the same manner. Later al-Hallaj was arrested on the accusation that
he was a Qarmatian missionary; Nujum, III, 182; Ibn Taymiyya, Jami' al-Rasa'il,
I, 188.
98 al-Sabi, al-Wuzara', 292-3; Tabari, III, 2123.
99 al-Kamil, VII, 333.
100 Tabari, III, 2123, 'Ubayd Allah b. Sulayman was a close associate
o al-Muwaffaq in Samarra in 264/878, but four years later he was imprisoned.
When al-Mu'tadid became the heir-apparent to al-Mu'tamid, 'Ubayd Allah
was promoted to the office of the wizara, whereupon he used his office
to pursue his rivals such as Banu Furat. At the same time the managed
to uncover the activities of the agents of the second safir. He died in
288/900; al-Kafi, I, 525; al-Kamil, VII, 219, 227, 309; al-Fakhri, 302.
101 Tabari, III, 2148; al-Muntazam, V, 150.
102 Al-Isfahani mentions that two 'Alids, Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Ibrahim
and 'Ali b. Muhammad b. 'Ali, were tortured along with the Qarmati Sahib
al-Kahi, whose hands and legs were cut off, yet they did not support the
Qaramita nor did they have any relations with them (Maqatil, 446). Al-Tabari
states twice that the 'Abbasid troops arrested a group of Qaramita in
286/899 and investigated tem. They disclosed the name of their leader,
Abu Hashim b. Sadaqa al-Katib, who was arrested and put in jail (Tabari,
III, 2179). Al-Mu'tadid's investigation of the Qaramita leader, Abu al-Fawaris,
shows that he differentiated between the doctrine of the Qaramita and
the Imamites: al-Kamil, VII, 354.
103 al-Kafi, I, 525.
104 al-Kafi, I, 525.
105 al-Kafi, I, 525; al-Irshad, 402; T. al-Ghayba, 183-4. This
order is believed to have come from the Imam himself.
106 al-Rawandi, al-Khara'ij wa-l-Jara'ih (Bombay, 1301), 67. Al-Tusi
mentions the names of two of the three soldiers: Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah and
Rashiq, the servant of al-Mu'tadid. It appears that al-Tusi's report is
sound, because al-Tabari confirms that Rashiq was the personal soldier
(Ghulam, khadim) of al-Mu'tadid and took part in fighting against the
Zanj revolution; Tabari, III, 1953, 2003, 2007, 2017-9, 2082-3; T. al-Ghayba,
160-1.
107 T. al-Ghayba, 163-5.
108 Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, VI, 46.
109 Kamal, 92-3, quoted from Kitab al-Tanbih by Abu Sahl al-Nawbakhti.
110 T. al-Ghayba, 166, 195-6.
111 Ibid., 165.
112 Kamal, 440.
113 The Prophet's companion 'Abd Allah b. 'Amr b. al-'As used to
narrate a Prophetic tradition predicting the rise of al-Qahtani, whose
rising is only a sign for the rise of al-Qa'im al-Mahdi. However, Mu'awiya
prohibited this companion from narration the traditions, because he thought
that he spread of such traditions would encourage the people to overthrow
him; B, Sahih, 384.
114 al-Kafi, VIII, 209, 264, 265, 274, 310, 331; from 273/886 onward
'Ali b. al-Husayn al-Taymali used to narrate other signs of al-Qa'im's
uprising (N. al-Ghayba, 131, 164; Kamal, 649-656; al-Hadrami, Asl Ja'far
b. Shurayh al-Hadrami, f. 37a, 39a, 48a.
115 Tabari, III, 2225.
116 Al-Nu'mani devotes a section of his work al-Ghayba to the refutation
of the claims of the Isma'ilis (N. al-Ghayba, 53-7 176-80); al-Kulayni
reports a narration on the authority of al-Sadiq, forbidding his follower
'Umar b. Hanzala from taking pat in any 'Alid revolution before the outery
in the sky; al-Kaf, VIII, 310. See also Ikhtiyar, 262-3.
117 Bihar, LI, 161.
118 for a full account of the increase of the role of the Imamite
Fuqaha', see Chapter VII.
119 Kamal, 484.
120 Al-Tusi gives two dates for the death of Abu Ja'far, the first
of which, 304/916, is on the authority of the grandson of Abu Ja'far,
Hibat Allah. the second report attributed to Abu Ghalib al-Zurai, the
agent of Ibn Ruh in Kufa puts the date at 305/917. Because the latter
had close relations with abu Ja'far and was his contemporary, it seems
that his report is more likely to the accurate; T. al-Ghayba, 238-9; al-Kamil,
VIII, 80; Abu al-Fida, al-Mukhtasar, 11, 69.
121 T. al-Ghayba, 238-9. On the eastern side of Baghdad there
is a tomb situated in a mosque called al-Khullani. The people believe
that it is the grave of Abu Ja'far. Since al-Tusi mentions that his grave
is on the western side it is possible that his corpse was transported
to the new grave, but the is no available source to support such a claim.
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